immediately. While many of
these tillas are nothing but sand-dunes, some of these, as
Rangmahal on Kalibangan are littered with innumerable
potsherds. Because these potsherds were originally red or even
bright red, these mounds even now after hundreds or thousands
of years appear reddish. Particularly this is so at Rangmahal.
Normally no one cares for or looks at these
potsherds, certainly not the caravan driver who passes by
these tillas while carrying goods to and fro, from distant
towns and cities. But to an archaeologist these potsherds are
like open books. All these potsherds speak. Perhaps each
potsherd has some story to relate. You may wonder “how”. The
reason is simple. Though the shapes of the pots to which these
potsherds belong are rarely intact, still the potsherds are
not dead. It is one of the wonders of nature that once a clay
pot is given some color, or naturally painted with some
designs and then fired, neither the color nor the design goes,
though the pot or its pieces may be exposed to the sun and
rain and even used for hundreds of years. It is this Nature’s
secret that archaeologists discovered some 150 years ago. For
by carefully studying potsherds and intact pots if available,
an archaeologist can gradually tell how old the pot is, he can
also say by further study and by piecing together broken parts
of the one and the same pot, what the original shape was, and
what part it played in the life of the person who possessed
it.
Pottery is one of the main clues which an archaeologist looks
for whole searching for bygone cultures and civilizations.
Hence Shri Amalananda Ghosh during his exploration of the
valleys of the Ghaggar, the ancient Saraswati and the
Drishadvati primarily looked for collected potsherds. Of
course he was not the first scholar to do so. Before him Shri
Aurel Stein had done so for that part of the Ghaggar which
flows into the Bahawalpur District of Pakistan. Stein thus had
discovered numerous ancient sites. In some of these, he had
discovered the kind of pottery which had been discovered
previously at MohenJodaro and numerous other sites in Sind.
Ghosh did exactly what Stein had done, but being more
experienced and well acquainted with the Harappa or the Indus
Civilization he noticed that three or four different kinds of
potteries were found littered over these tillas in the Bikaner
State. While those similar to or identical with that of the
Indus Civilization can be easily assigned to the Indus
Civilization, others belonged to different cultures. The
pottery found at Sothi and other sites in and around the
present town was designated as “Sothi”. While another – found
at Rang Mahal was called “Rang Mahal Culture.” Because of its
bright red color and painting, Rang Mahal appeared promising.
It was certainly new. But when it was excavated by a Swedish
Expedition, it was found to belong to the early Historical
period, to the period of the Kushan ruler of Northern India,
including Rajasthan. So when the Archaeological survey of
India though of examining of pursuing Ghosh’s discoveries they
took up the mounds at or near Kalibanga. For here had been
found potsherds and chert knife blades indicative of the
existence of the Indus Civilization and also another culture
or civilization called the Sothi Culture by Ghosh.
And as rightly anticipated by Ghosh, several years of
excavations at Kalibangan by Prof. B.B. Lal and Shri B.K.
Thapar have brought to light the existence of a fairly
extensive town of the Indus Civilization Harappan Culture, and
also the earlier existence of a town to the pre- Indus or
Sothi culture. However, as it is the practice with
archaeologists, these Sothi or pre - Indus culture have been
designate respectively Harappan cultures respectively.
The ancient habitations was spread over an area of a quarter
of a square kilometer, and from the beginning consisted of two
closely-knit but distinct mounds, an eastern and a western
mound. These form a prominent feature of the landscape with
their slopes strewn with dark brown nodules, mud-bricks, and
numerous potsherds. No traveler in this desert, whether he be
an archaeologist or not, could but be struck by this feature
of the landscape with their slopes strewn with dark brown
nodules, mud – brick, and numerous potsherds. No traveler in
this desert, whether he be an archaeologist or not, could but
be struck by this feature for these are so conspicuous among
the masses of sand dunes on the west, east and south and the
green fields on the north; the latter as a result of
irrigation.
Fortification
This pre – Harappan settlement was protected by a mudbrick
fortification. When first built it was about 6 feet (1.90m)
wide, but later the width of the wall was almost doubled. It
varies between 3.70 and 4.10m. the brick size however remained
the same. No corner angles of these walls have been found. The
north – south distance of the fortified area measures
approximately 250 m. The necessity of such an increase
indicates that the inhabitants felt insecure with a wall that
was only 6 feet wide and hence made it up to nearly 12 feet.
This is certainly a good thickness for a fortification wall at
this period, for it had to withstand only such missiles as
stone or copper-tipped arrows and clay or stone sling balls.
Whether this wall could be easily scaled or not cannot be
said, there is no means of knowing its height, since the later
people – the Harappans in our present knowledge had to break
it or remake it to sit their requirements.
What is important is that the traces of a fortification wall
have survived. We were told by Marshall some 40 years ago that
the non-violent people. Then came Sir Mortimer Wheeler who was
the first to identify a defense wall at Harappa and then later
at Mohenjodaro. This discovery made him propound his famous
theory that the Aryans destroyed the Indus Civilization, for
he saw in indra, the Purandara, one who destroyed “walled”
“fortified cities.”
Now with the discovery of fortification at Kalibangan, and
also at Kot Dijji in Sind, where the mud-brick wall has a
plinth of stone rubbles, the whole problem of fortification
takes a different turn.
The least we can say is that the Harappans were not the first
to have fortified cities in Sind and Rajasthan. And hence the
question of Aryans along being “the Purandaras” does not
arise. These might as well be the Harappans, who at Gumla
destroyed the pre-Harappan habitation.
Again, they were not the first to introduce wheeled conveyance
and metal tools/weapons, in these regions, for these were also
known to the pre-Harappans. But what the latter did not have
was the first access to the flint quarries of Sukkur and Rohri
so that their tools for daily use in the house for cutting,
slicing, and piercing had to be made from (presumably local)
material such as agate, chalcedony and carnelian. These tools
are in now way different from the microliths made by the Bagor
and Tilwara people, except that at Kalibangan we have mostly
straight-sided blades including serrated and banked and fewer
lunates, trapezes and such geometric shapes. This small
difference is significant, indicating that man no longer
needed and made compound tools like the sickle and harpoon and
the arrow-head with stone tips, but utilized (probably) copper
tools instead.
Pottery
However, the most striking difference between the pre –
Harappan and the Harappan, which is of utmost importance to an
archaeologist, is pottery. The Harappan pottery is bright or
dark red and uniformly sturdy, and so well baked that no part
of the core remains yellowish or blackish showing imperfect
firing. This is not the case with the pre-Harappan pottery.
The latter is pinkish, comparatively thinner, and not so well
baked as the former. Some of it is distinctly carelessly made.
One of its varieties, though well – potted, has its outer
surface, particularly the lower part; roughened or rusticated
(this is also seen at Ahar). Still another variety,
represented mainly by basins, is decorated all over by
obtusely incised patterns on the outside. Not only the fabric
and most of the decorative patterns, but the forms of the pre-Harappan
pottery are strikingly different from the Harappan. While the
graceful painted Harappan vase, the goblet and the cylindrical
perforated vessel, and the variety of footed dishes or
foot-stands are conspicuous by their absence, present are some
six to eight types of small and medium-sized vessels. And
amongst these, the most noteworthy is a small footed cup. This
and its likes remind us on the one hand of the earlier Iranian
goblets from Sialk and Hissar, and on the other the goblets or
footed cups from Navdatoli on the Narmada.
New Features
Though in a general way all this conforms to what we know of
the Indus Civilization, Kalibangan has revealed certain new
features. First there are the usual two habitations. One is
the so-called “Citadel” on the western side located on the
earlier pre – Harappan settlement overlooking the ancient
Saraswati. It is a coincidence that in all the three sites –
Harappa, Mohenjodaro and Kalibangan, the citadel is located on
the western side and that on a previous habitation? The other
is situating towards the east, at a little distance from the
first, rich on the sandy plain. It appears now that both these
– the “citadel” as well as the “lower city” was enclosed by a
separate mud-brick fortification wall. Of the city
fortification only the east west wall running for nearly 230
feet (over 80 m.) has so far been exposed. The north – south
wall is not yet fully laid bare. Within the city, so far
five-north south and three east – west roads, and a number of
east – west running lanes have been explored, showing how well
– planned the city was. The roads and streets were found to be
clear of any intrusions from the house-owners and squatters –
a civic feature which is becoming rare all over India today.
Whether there were too many carts moving in the streets or not
we do not know. But to avoid damage to the houses at street
comers, by the sudden turning of the cart, wooden fender posts
were provided, a few of which survive. Rectangular platforms
outside some of the houses seems to have been made for two
purposes. Either as outdoor rest-places, or contrivances
specially made for mounting over an animal’s back, or rests
for laborers carrying heavy load over their heads.
Houses
Such well laid out streets were not metalled, except in the
late phase of the city, not were they provided with regular
drains, as in Harappan cities. However, the houses had drains
made of either wood scooped out in the shape of ‘U’, or more
often with baked bricks. These drains emptied themselves in
the soakage jars embedded in the street floor. It is observed
that each house opened or had a frontage on at least two or
three streets, as in Chandigarh, for instance. Normally, only
one, the corner house, can have such a frontage, but others at
the most two, a front and a back one, that too if there is
only a single row of houses in a street or a lane. In the
Harappan phase at Kalibangan there was only a single row of
houses in each street, and this again, divided into several
small blocks, so that many open to so much light and air in a
region like N. Rajashtan? Or was it after the current fashion,
as today in Chandigarh? Even internally the houses were well
provided with light and air, for they were built on the
Chatussala principle, that is, there was a central courtyard,
at times provided with a well and six or seven rooms on its
three sides. There is some evidence to say that these earliest
houses in Kalibangan were storeyed, for in one house were
found traces of a preserved stairway. The roofs of these
houses were probably flat. As today in Kalibangan and many
villages in Rajasthan, the houses were built of mud-bricks.
The size of which was 20x15x7½. cm. That is the length was
twice the thickness, the proportion being 4:2:1. However, the
Harappans of Rajasthan were judicious, for they have
consistently used baked bricks in doorsills, wells and drains,
all places where the wear and the tear was much, and the
structures liable to be damaged if baked bricks were not used.
This common sense is again witnessed in the way the flooring
of houses are made. Unlike Mohen-jo-daro and Harappa the
floors were made firm by ramming (called Koba), and sometimes
capped additionally with mud bricks or terracotta nodules.
However, in one case, the floor is found paved with tiles,
bearing the typical intersecting design of circles. Exactly
similar design occurs at Kot Diji in what is called a “bath
tub”. While there is no doubt about the existence of this
design in the tub-like large vessel at Kot Diji, it should be
ascertained, if not already done, whether at Kalibangan it is
real flooring or too is a part of a tub. Anyway, this is a
most interesting feature, which does not seem to be merely
ornamental, but perhaps of some religious significance, or
else some other design would have been preferred. For we know
this was a favorite design with the Harappans, and occurs on
the graceful vase.
The Bikaner Harappans thus show considerable originality even
in the make up or construction of their house. This is further
illustrated by three other features. All these are seen in
what is called the “Citadel Mound”.
Fortification
The exposed fortification in this mound makes it look roughly
like a parallelogram on plan, exactly as at Harappa, that at
Mohenjodaro is not fully exposed, but would probably be of the
same shape. This was divided into two almost equal halve. Each
half may be described as a rhomb. Again each of this rhomb was
enclosed by a fortification wall. The width of th8is wall was
quite large, as much as 7 m. (about 20 feet) at places, the
minimum being 3 m. (10 feet). This was further strengthened at
intervals with rectangular salient (projections) and towers.
The wall, it would appear was built in two phases or twice,
for initially very large bricks measuring 40x20x10 cm. were
used in its construction. Later the normal sized bricks
(30x5x7½ cm.), used in civic houses were preferred.
Platform
The southern rhomb is found to contain five or six platforms
of mud or mud bricks each separate from the other, and
different in size, so that the space (passage) between the two
platforms is never uniform. Now here are these platforms
connected with the fortification wall. Access to these
platforms had to be by a flight of steps, which rise from the
passage between the platforms. Further the passage fronting
the steps was paved. These mud or mud-brick platforms seem to
be quite different from the platform at Lothal, Harappa and
Mohen-jo-daro, for instance, the latter were largely built for
protecting the superstructures from recurring floods. But at
Kalibangan they seem to have a religious function, though this
cannot be ascertained, for except in one case the
superstructures have disappeared. Or is (was) it because it
had by this time become a custom, convention or fashion to
build the citadel on artificial mud or mud-brick hillock.
Sacrificial Pits
In the one surviving example was found a rectangular pit (1 x
1.25 m.) lined with baked bricks. This Kunda contained bones
of a bovine and antlers, perhaps a sacrifice was performed.
This suggestion is strengthened by the fact that adjoining the
Kunda was found a well and a “fire-altar”.
Fire Altars
A row of such fire-altars was noticed on another platform and
also in many houses in the “ Lower city”. These “fire-altars”
invariably consist of shallow pits, oval or rectangular plan.
Fire was made and put out in situ (that is there and then), as
proved by lumps of charcoal in the open part of the pit. In
the center of the pit was found a cylindrical or rectangular
(sun-dried or pre-fired) brick. Around or near about were
place flat, triangular or circular terracotta pieces, known
hitherto as “terracotta cakes.” In a recent article it is said
that towards the end of the Harappan settlement this practice
was being gradually abandoned because the Saraswati was losing
its water to the Yamuna, the fire-altars were poorly equipped
– only with one centrally placed brick on edge in a small pit.
Such a “fire-altar” has also been noticed by Casal at Amri,
and something similar, but perhaps not identical, was found by
Rao at Lothal. Perhaps such fire-altars also existed at
Harappa and Mohen-jo-daro, but were missed in mass digging and
have only been revealed in slow, careful excavation. That here
in this platformed, well fortified enclosure we have first
traces of a religious building with houses for its priests on
the site which is also borne out by the fact that no barge,
broad streets have been so far found within the citadel. In
fact, there is no room for any vehicular traffic. So we have
to presume that either every-body walked, or some people –
like the priests and the like or the ruler – were carried in
palan – quins. The general public could go to these platforms
from the southern side through a stairway which ran along the
outer face of the fortification wall between the two centrally
located salient. A similar arrangement was made for the
residents in the northern half of the “Citadel”.
At all the three sites, these citadels are built over a little
higher ground, which at Harappa and Kalibangan is proved not
to be quite natural but due to the remains of an earlier
habitation. However, the elevation was further raised by mud
or mud – brick platforms. And this at Harappa and Mohen – jo –
daro (and Lothal) is explained as a precaution against
recurring floods. But at Kalibangan there is (so far) no
evidence of a flood, and again the platform are on separate
block with paved flooring in the passage. Further the
fire-altar-like structure and the sacrificial kunda on these
platforms make the excavators feel (and I agree with them)
that these are truly religious structures. Did they have a
similar function at Mohen-jo-daro and Harappa? Or there was
the real need of a mud-brick platform as a protection against
floods, and this functional feature was later mechanically
copied at Kalibangan. The smaller, portable objects at least
testify once again to the rich and comfortable life which we
now associate with the Harappans. A varied and beautiful
pottery (its manifold uses for eating, drinking, storing etc.
could be imagined if the numerous platters, dishes and other
vessels found intact in a grave are drawn function-wise),
ornaments, beads and bangles – in shell, terracotta, semi –
precious stones and faience, and some in gold, weights and
measures (one in graduated scale as at Lothal), the
undeciphered seals including one cylinder seal with half human
and half animal figures on it, recalling Sumerian contact and
features, and above all, exquisite figure sculpture in the
round of a charging bull.
Religion
There is nothing specific to tell us about the Harappan
religion except the so called fire-altars and the Kunda and an
oblong terracotta cake, incised on both sides with a figures
reminds once again of the figure in gold in Hissar III, and a
painting on a pot at Kot Diji from the junction layers. The
incised figure seems extent we are familiar with a horn-headed
deity from the famous Pasupati-like seal. But there the horns
are not quite clear, and hence some scholars doubt it
identification. But in the Kalibangan figure there is no room
for doubt. And this as shown here can be derived from the
mouflon (or wild mountain sheep) head in gold form Hissar in
Iran through the painting of a bullas head on a pot at Kot
Diji in Sind, and also at Gumla and Burzahom.
Food
The Kalibangan Harappans were both vegetarian and
non-vegetarian. Wheat and barley they must have eaten, though
so far only traces of barley have been fond. Among the animals
they knew and probably cooked for food the largest percentage
is that of humped cattle (cow/bull), then Indian buffalo, pig,
arasingha, elephant, ass (domesticated) rhinoceros and camel.
The camel is again important, proving its antiquity in this
region (sind and Rajasthan).
Burial Methods
By and large the Kalibangan Harappans buried the dead, as at
west south west of the citadel has been found, on the present
flood plain of the river. Not only this cemetery sheds some
light on the different burial practices current at Kalibangan,
but the varying provision of grave goods, and the construction
of the graves enlightens us about the social stratification
prevalent in the city. So far three types of graves have been
found. In the first type, which seems to be fairly frequent,
we have an oblong pit dug into the ground. The dead body was
laid in the pit in an extended position with the head towards
the north and the feet towards the south. Then around the head
were arranged pots, dishes, platters, small water vessels,
cups, but not large storage jars, in one case numbering over
seventy. This illustrates that there was no fixed number of
pts which one had to provide for the dead. If one could
afford, and probably belonged to a higher social order, he
could have a large number. Besides pots, at times a copper
mirror was placed near the head. This is further proved by the
fact that this particular grave ad a lining of mud bricks on
all the four sides, which were then plastered with mud from
inside. In the second type the grave-pit was oval or circular
on plan and contained besides an urn, other pots including
platters and dishes-on-stand. Here again the number varied
from 4 to 29, depending upon the wealth (and position) of the
person. Again, besides pottery, ornaments such as beads, shell
bangles and objects of steatite were kept. In the third
variety, the grave-pit was rectangular or oval on plan with
the larger axis oriented north south, but curiously contained
no skeletal remains. Usually nothing but pottery was found
within these simple pits, though in one case a shell bangle
and a string of satellite disc beads and one of carnelian were
found. This is the first time that burials without any human
skeletal remains have been found on a site of the Indus
Civilization. But the reason behind this non-occurrence is not
easy to gauge. It is because that there was the custom of
cremation-cum-burial, so that the body was burnt, and later
only the ash and a few bones were buried in the urn, or even
these were not kept but thrown in the river or sea, as some
people do today.
Trepanning
Kalibangan has also provided a very interesting example of
ancient medical belief and surgery. In a child’s skull were
found six circular holes. These holes were made while the
child was alive, for the wounds made by these holes have
healed, that is the edges of the holes have nor remained
sharp, as when first cut. This practice of boring holes in the
head while alive is called trepanning, and was widely current
in prehistoric times in Europe, about 3,000 B.C., and was
still witnessed in some of the aboriginal tribes of Peru in
Central America. Trepanning was resorted to, it is believed,
to relieve headache, and alleviate inflammation of the mastoid
(conical) prominence in the temporal bone to which the muscles
are attached), and on the brain due to injury. So far the only
example of trepanning we had was from Langhnaj in north
Gujarat, Kalibangan (and Lothal) have provided two more. These
thus give a wide base to a belief and practice which was
current in Europe and Africa, some 4,000 years ago; exactly
the time is was prevalent in Western and Northern India,
including Gujarat, Sind and the Punjab. The Kalibangan has
given us considerable food for thought. Again the paved road
and flooring. These are new features not so far met with at
Mohen-jo-daro. But we must also note the absence of certain
well-known features, such as street drains, and among the
portable smaller objects the complete absence of lingas, yonis,
and figurines of mother – goddesses. This is also a feature of
the Lothal (Saurashtra) Harappan, and thus underlines the
importance of Mohen-jo-daro and Harappa as “religious
capitals” as well. In many respects then the Rajasthan
Harappan has a distinct individuality. It is not an exact copy
of the Indus. Such a regional variation is but natural, though
it would be worth inquiring who introduced or brought about
this variation, viz. the indigenous element in the population
or because during migration from the centre, the original
features got lost or changed. |